Israelis like to say that Europe is “finished” – an aging, divided, weak continent, increasingly Muslim and hostile to Israel.
Polls show only about a third of Israelis hold a positive view of the European Union, while roughly half describe Israel-EU relations as poor. This narrative is not entirely accurate – and certainly unwise.
Israel actually depends on Europe more than on any other global actor except for the United States.
Europe is Israel’s largest trading partner, is central to Israeli research and innovation, is an important investment source, and is home to partner academic institutions. It is also the region from which the modern Jewish state largely emerged.
Yes, there is a problem. Largely because of the Israel-Hamas War, Israel has collapsed in European public opinion.
I recently visited Britain, Poland, the former Yugoslavia, Austria, Romania, and Germany, attending geopolitical conferences and discussions, and I can state unequivocally: Europe is shocked by the scale of the killing in recent years’ wars.
What people perceive is collective punishment, heavy-handedness, trigger-happiness, indifference to human life, and a lack of strategy. Such criticism is the polite variant, coming from friends of Israel.
In Kosovo, I debated a European ambassador who told me he had once been very supportive of Israel, who said: “You are losing all of us. I will do everything I can to promote the suspension of Israel’s Association Agreement with the European Union.
“Your government is interested only in war and expansion. I know you have enemies, but you’ve become almost as bad as they are. The level of brutality is simply unacceptable.”
He quoted National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich at length: “They’re not minor ministers, are they?”
One can point to the crimes of jihadists, but those are already known and don’t persuade people that killing tens of thousands of civilians and displacing millions is OK.
A recent study examining roughly 900 EU statements on Israel found that the share classified as negative rose from 29% before October 7 to 46% afterward, while the positive share fell to 8%.
Even governments long considered supporters are now critical.
French President Emmanuel Macron condemned Israel’s conduct in Gaza as “unacceptable” and “shameful.”
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer described restrictions on humanitarian aid as “completely wrong.” German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, leading a country traditionally viewed as Israel’s closest ally on the continent, stated that some of Israel’s actions “can no longer be justified.”
Across Europe, campaigns to boycott products from Israeli settlements – whose entire situation, across the street from disenfranchised Arabs, is impossible to defend – gain momentum. Hotheaded Israeli ministers face restrictions.
Legal organizations seek to identify IDF soldiers traveling abroad and promote legal proceedings against them over Gaza. There have been reports of private businesses refusing service to Israelis – and sometimes to Jews.
Some of these developments stem from rising antisemitism, which has arisen once again in parts of Europe. But not everything can be explained this way, and it’s not only about the wars.
Israel struggles to convince Europeans that there is no problem with maintaining a system of different rights for Jews and Palestinians (heavily in favor of Jews) in the West Bank – and this is true among Americans as well.
Is Israel’s situation hopeless? No. What’s needed is a different policy and public diplomacy strategy.
Things would certainly be easier if the government cracked down on Jewish terrorism, refrained from expanding settlements, and fired inflammatory ministers.
This would be far easier with a government that seeks constructive dialogue and pursues political solutions alongside military strength and deterrence.
Europe is not optional
Not all criticism is justified.
Many Europeans underestimate the threats from Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran and apply standards to Israel that are not applied to others. That doesn’t mean the criticism can be ignored and is entirely invalid.
Many Israelis have convinced themselves that as long as America supports their approach, Europe doesn’t matter.
As is now evident, even President Donald Trump has grown weary of the bloodshed, realizing that US public opinion is shifting. European public opinion has shifted even further, and that is serious.
The EU is Israel’s largest trading partner. In 2025, total trade in goods between Israel and the EU reached approximately €43.3 billion. The EU accounted for nearly one-third of all Israeli imports and exports.
If Britain is included, the figure approaches half. By comparison, total goods trade between Israel and the United States during the same period stood at approximately €22.7b.
This trade is concentrated in machinery, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, medical technologies, transportation equipment, industrial products, and advanced manufacturing – sectors at the heart of Israel’s productive economy.
Israel is an export-oriented economy because its domestic market is small. Its prosperity depends on access to foreign markets, and its military strength depends on that prosperity.
In other words, without prosperity, there is no air force. Without exports, there is no prosperity. And without Europe, there are far fewer exports.
Europe undoubtedly faces serious challenges, including slow growth, low birth rates, immigration pressures, and years of underinvestment in defense.
Yet the EU and Britain still produce more than 20% of global GDP (the US, with a quarter, is the only equivalent).
Europe is also important because EU regulations often become global standards, shaping Israeli companies in sectors from cybersecurity to pharmaceuticals.
Israel is also deeply integrated into Europe’s cultural and social sphere. Israel competes in European sports, from soccer and basketball to swimming, gymnastics, and dozens of other disciplines.
It is a regular participant in Eurovision and one of the competition’s most successful countries. Millions of Israelis travel, study, work, and maintain family ties throughout Europe.
The prospect of a European boycott – already gaining momentum – would be disastrous for Israeli academia, one of the country’s most critical assets.
Modern Zionism emerged from Jewish life in Europe and was shaped by 19th-century European nationalism. Israel’s universities, legal institutions, parliamentary tradition, and much of its political culture were influenced by European models.
When Israelis say Europe is “finished,” they often mean it is becoming a Muslim continent.
Yet Muslims account for only about 7% of the combined population of the EU and Britain, and no serious demographic forecast suggests a future Muslim majority. So the schadenfreude is based on a mirage.
Recognizing Europe’s importance does not diminish the importance of the United States, which remains Israel’s indispensable ally.
But Israel simply cannot afford to treat Europe as a secondary concern or a lost cause. Losing Europe would be devastating, and Israelis need to understand this and recalibrate.
The writer is the former Cairo-based Middle East editor and London-based Europe/Africa editor of the Associated Press, the former chairman of the Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem, and the author of two books.