The Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq has been playing an increasingly important role in reducing tensions in the region, often behind the scenes. At a 2026 MERI Forum conference in Erbil, several Kurdish leaders described recent initiatives that the region has undertaken.
According to their remarks, the Kurdish leadership sought to navigate the recent conflict between the United States/Israel and Iran. Although the Kurdistan Region came under attack by over 1,000 Iranian missiles and drones, the Kurdish leaders sought to reach out to Iran and the US. They also worked to broker talks between Damascus and Kurds in eastern Syria.
Who were the key leaders involved? Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani and Prime Minister Masrour Barzani have played a major role. Both men, related to each other, are leaders of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). Additionally instrumental were members of the Talabani family, primarily Bafel and Qubad Talibani, from the rival Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) party.
'We are part of the solution'
“We are very pleased today to see that Kurds are part of the solution – whether in Syria, as marked by the presence of Comrade Mazloum [Abdi] here; or in Iraq, where we are part of the solution,” Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Deputy Prime Minister Qubad Talabani said at the MERI Forum, according to Rudaw. Talabani explained that “Erbil expressed readiness to facilitate discussions between Kurds and the countries where they live in the Middle East, including in Iran.”
He said, “We are very pleased today to see that Kurds are part of the solution, whether in Syria, as marked by the presence of Comrade Mazloum [Abdi] here, or in Iraq, where we are part of the solution.”
Rudaw reported that Nechirvan Barzani had played a key role in talks in Syria and Turkey. He is a unique figure in Kurdish politics today because of his long experience and his ability to navigate the complex politics in Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Iraq.
The Kurdistan Region is involved in a variety of talks, partly due to its geographic position. Northern Iraq borders Iran, Turkey, and Syria. It is a crossroads for various major regional policies.
US forces were concentrated in the KRG before they left on September 30. Iran, as noted, has attacked the region 1,000 times, mainly targeting Kurdish Iranian opposition groups based in northern Iraq.
Turkey is dealing with peace talks with the PKK, which also has forces in the KRG.
With the US leaving Syria in 2025 and the US-backed Kurdish-led SDF expected to integrate with the new government in Damascus, the KRG sought to make sure Kurds would not be harmed in Syria.
“As the political forces in the Kurdistan Region, we stand ready for any coordination and role assigned to us. Furthermore, the Kurdistan Region has significantly contributed to the advancement of the integration process of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), now absorbed into the Syrian state system,” Talabani said, according to Rudaw.
SDF commander Mazloum Abdi praised the Kurdistan Region for its support. There are still many tensions in Syria, and the role of the KRG is likely not over.
The Syrian Kurdish political authorities, the AANES, never built a prosperous region like the KRG. They were also linked to the YPG and the PKK, and therefore generally rivals of the KDP.
When the chips were down, the Kurdish leadership in Erbil went to help Kurds in Syria, despite the politicians’ past disagreements.
Not everything has been smooth sailing.
Barzani was critical of the Kurdish Iranian opposition groups, which have bases and camps in the KRG. Some of the Kurdish Iranian groups are closer to the KDP, aka PUK.
However, Iran has made clear that it will continue its attacks until the KRG can assure Tehran that these groups are not a threat.
In March, media reports suggested the US was willing to arm the Kurdish Iranian groups. The idea of American weapons moving through northern Iraq to Iran was certainly seen as a threat by Iran.
“Rojhelat’s [western Iran’s Kurdish region] opposition forces, unfortunately, behaved very irresponsibly,” Barzani said at MERI. This was tough criticism for these groups.
Barzani’s comments shed light on the issues facing the Kurdish Iranian groups
The Amargi, a local grassroots media network, noted that Barzani’s comments shed light on the complexities the Kurdish Iranian groups have faced. There are at least six of these groups. The centrist KDPI and PAK, as well as the more left-leaning Komala and PJAK groups, with PJAK often seen as closely linked to the PKK. Another group, Khabat, is part of the Kurdish Iranian opposition alliance.
The groups formed an alliance in January and February, shortly before the US and Israeli strikes began. Iran may have seen this development as alarming.
Meanwhile, the parties had begun preparing. According to accounts circulating within their ranks, former Peshmerga fighters returned from abroad, while light weapons and vehicles were acquired.
These preparations do not substantiate Trump’s allegations that Kurds diverted or kept weapons intended for Iranian protesters. The parties concerned rejected those accusations, which have not been publicly substantiated,” The Amargi noted.
“For some Iranian Kurds, including activists, party supporters, and observers, the 39-day war appeared to offer a long-awaited opportunity after what they considered a missed chance during the Jin, Jiyan, Azadi (“Women, Life, Freedom”) protests.
“They hoped that a weakened regime would pave the way for a ground operation, but events did not unfold as they had expected,” it said.
The Amargi added that “Iranian Kurdish parties explained their decision not to intervene by pointing to the absence of international guarantees and protection. Without air cover, external coordination, and a broader uprising in Iran, they feared that an operation would fail, leaving civilians exposed to retaliation.”
Barzani’s critique of the groups was not everything it appeared to be on the surface. His comments were aimed at reducing tensions with Tehran.
As long as Iran believes that the KRG will rein in these groups, or at least prod them not to send forces over the border, the Islamic regime may reduce its attacks.
A recent statement from KDPI, one of the Kurdish Iranian groups, also indicated that it would not send its forces over the border. It tends to be politically close to the KDP, and will not want to cause the KRG any trouble.
KDPI members have resided in the Kurdistan Region for decades, and their facilities near Koya have been frequently targeted by Iran.
The Iranian regime knows it can’t eliminate the entire Kurdish opposition: It likely prefers the groups weakened and abroad to fighting in Iran. It is willing to wait and see whether the KRG can make sure the groups’ activity is curtailed.
Barzani’s comments were aimed at reducing tensions with Tehran.